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十问金融危机善后者

发布者: chrislau2001 | 发布时间: 2009-3-11 16:08| 查看数: 1270| 评论数: 1|

Ten Questions For Those Fixing The Financial Mess







The government is about to rewrite the rules for the nation's financial markets.

The process could take many months but the groundwork is being laid now, ahead of a big international conference in early April that will address regulatory changes world-wide.

But the real action will take place in Washington, where causes of the crisis will be argued and fixes debated. Changes could include beefing up the powers of the Federal Reserve, merging or abolishing some regulatory agencies and bringing most of the financial world under closer supervision.

Ahead of that discussion, here are 10 big questions facing the architects of the rules for a post-crisis world:

1. How much did deregulation contribute to the financial crisis?

President Barack Obama argued on the campaign trail that one bill -- the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act of 1999 -- led to deregulation that helped cause the crisis. Among other things, that law allowed for the creation of giant financial supermarkets that could own investment banks, commercial banks and insurance firms, something banned since the Great Depression. Its passage, critics say, cleared the way for companies that were too big and intertwined to fail.

The law also had limits. It cemented the Federal Reserve as the top regulator for giant firms such as Citigroup Inc. and Bank of America Corp. But it didn't give any regulator sweeping powers over investment banks such as Bear Stearns Cos. and Lehman Brothers, or standalone insurance giants like American International Group Inc.

Supporters of Gramm-Leach-Bliley say the law might have prevented the crisis from becoming worse, as it allowed investment banks Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley to borrow money from the Fed to stay afloat.

But House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D., Mass.) has said a primary cause of the crisis was not so much deregulation, but 'nonregulation,' meaning that federal officials didn't enforce rules already on the books.

2. With so many regulators, how did problems on banks' books slip through the cracks?

At least 10 federal regulators oversee financial-services companies, not to mention regulators at the state level. But many of the products that led to the financial crisis, such as subprime mortgages, emanated from lightly regulated pockets of the economy. Mortgage-finance companies such as New Century weren't banks, so no one in Washington oversaw their business. Complex financial products such as credit default swaps were also largely left alone by government officials.

Commercial banks such as Citigroup, overseen by multiple federal agencies, were able to accumulate huge levels of exposure by housing risky assets in investment vehicles that weren't part of their balance sheets. One of the biggest blind spots in the commercial bank system turned out to be assets held off balance sheet.

3. What's the biggest likely change on the horizon?

The White House and top lawmakers already are wrangling over how to proceed. The Obama administration wants to present a plan to the Group of 20 leading nations in London in early April.

Rep. Frank, who will be an architect of any plan, has said policy makers should overhaul regulation in two steps. First, he wants lawmakers to pass a bill that would make the Fed a kind of super-regulator with powers to oversee risks across the broader economy. Nothing like that currently exists in the U.S. He also wants Congress to create a mechanism to allow the government to wind down a failed investment bank or insurance company.

Rep. Frank said the second step should be a more thorough overhaul of regulation, which many believe will include beefed-up consumer protections and the consolidation of some agencies such as the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency and the Office of Thrift Supervision. Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D., Conn.) has pushed instead for one legislative package that would include all of the reforms, though this is expected to proceed on a slower track.

4. Will hedge funds and credit-default swaps face government oversight?

For years, influential government officials, including former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, argued that regulating hedge funds and exotic financial products would do more harm than good. The idea was that large, sophisticated institutions should be able to use such products to offset the risk of other investments, and by doing so, would spread risk broadly around the financial system. Access to hedge funds and swaps also was limited to large and theoretically sophisticated investors.

Now, Congress is looking to ensure regulators know more about the interconnectedness of banks and hedge funds, particularly through credit-default swaps or CDS, financial instruments that can be used to bet on the direction of a company's credit or used to hedge exposures. AIG required a taxpayer bailout partly because an unregulated business unit sold CDS, which required AIG to post collateral once the underlying investments lost value.

Hedge funds are likely to face greater disclosure requirements of their investment and trading positions and operations. The idea is to give regulators more insight into potentially systemic problems. The hedge-fund lobby is backing the Federal Reserve as a regulator that would have oversight of its members, but it is strongly arguing that any new disclosures not be made public. The Securities and Exchange Commission is pushing for access to hedge funds' books and potential new disclosure rules.

5. How much overhaul to credit-rating agencies is needed?

Many regulators, politicians and even bankers lay a lot of blame at their feet. Credit-rating firms were charged with judging the quality of corporate, municipal and other kinds of debt. As gatekeepers, they are supposed to be independent from the companies whose debt they rate. Yet, critics say, as the growth in the debt linked to residential mortgages exploded, credit rating firms' standards fell by the wayside as they competed with each other for business.

Most credit-rating firms are paid by underwriters issuing the same debt they rate, and critics say they had an incentive to give the debt products favorable ratings to win future business.

As late as April 5, 2007, one analyst at a major rating firm said their ratings model didn't capture 'half' of a deal's risk, but that 'it could be structured by cows and we would rate it,' according to an SEC report looking into the problems.

The concern: Investors, including banks, bought billions of dollars of packaged debt, some of it highly rated and some risky. Though some investors were unaware of the extent of riskier debt, many thought the safest components would protect them. They didn't. When the housing market collapsed, so did those loans, sparking a series of losses still shaking the system.

6. How frail is the banking system now?

Pretty frail. The stock prices of many banks have plunged, which makes raising capital more expensive. Private investors are skittish about pouring money into the banking system, fearful of being wiped out by any possible future government rescue.

There isn't really a segment of the industry that is performing particularly well. Some were hit by subprime loans, most others by the larger drag of the recession. Many big banks have had a hard time digesting acquisitions and underestimated how much capital they would need to survive. Multiple regional banks have high concentrations in risky assets or geographic areas, such as Florida, Arizona, and Ohio. Many small banks are suffering from high exposures to commercial real-estate loans.

7. How big is 'too big to fail?'

For commercial banks, it appears the answer is $100 billion in assets. The Obama administration said last month it would run 'stress tests' on the 19 banks that have more than $100 billion to determine how much additional capital these companies would need to continue lending. The tests are designed to see how the banks would perform under various dire scenarios for the economy, such as unemployment rising above 10%.

Banks aren't the only companies that have received government assistance. The government has committed more than $100 billion to prevent the collapse of AIG. The Fed and Treasury still see its collapse as something to be avoided at all costs.

8. Is Wall Street still needed?

Yes -- or something akin to it is. Wall Street has historically played an important role in greasing the wheels of the financial system by routing capital to those who might best use it. Wall Street banks also traditionally took riskier bets than standard commerical banks that are backed by consumers' deposits. Now both kinds of banks have been burned by taking on too much risk, and what remains of Wall Street is shrinking as it weans itself from relying on borrowed money. Both now may be unwilling to assume new risks, or may be prevented by the new rules from doing so.

In the future, traditional investment banks may be smaller and more specialized such as a mergers-and-acquisition advisory business or a brokerage firm.

9. Will Congress over-regulate?

The answer depends on where you sit. As long as taxpayers are funding the bailout of large financial institutions, there will be political pressure to find scalps and change how the financial system operates. Congress and the Obama administration already have signaled that virtually all financial institutions and financial products will be regulated.

Some influential members of Congress have historically sought to balance markets and regulation. That may go by the wayside with a Democrat-controlled Congress and a pent-up populist anger at Wall Street. In a recent WSJ/NBC News poll, the highest-ranked peeve, named by 35% of those polled, was bank executives taking large bonuses while receiving taxpayer funds.

Banks and businesses, which for years have successfully fought off attempts to beef up the rules, will face an uphill battle avoiding them.

10. What happens if Washington doesn't make big changes?

The banking industry posted huge losses in the fourth quarter, and banks are having a hard time raising private capital, because of investors' worries that they might wiped out if banks get nationalized. This could continue indefinitely if policy makers don't clarify how they plan to supervise the banking industry.

In the U.S., changes are high on the agenda, and bankers have conceded that they are necessary to help restore confidence to financial markets. European governments are pushing for regulatory overhauls too. Still, if any U.S. moves have a global component, that will make them much more complicated to broker.

5. How much overhaul to credit-rating agencies is needed?

Many regulators, politicians and even bankers lay a lot of blame at their feet. Credit-rating firms were charged with judging the quality of corporate, municipal and other kinds of debt. As gatekeepers, they are supposed to be independent from the companies whose debt they rate. Yet, critics say, as the growth in the debt linked to residential mortgages exploded, credit rating firms' standards fell by the wayside as they competed with each other for business.

Most credit-rating firms are paid by underwriters issuing the same debt they rate, and critics say they had an incentive to give the debt products favorable ratings to win future business.

As late as April 5, 2007, one analyst at a major rating firm said their ratings model didn't capture 'half' of a deal's risk, but that 'it could be structured by cows and we would rate it,' according to an SEC report looking into the problems.

The concern: Investors, including banks, bought billions of dollars of packaged debt, some of it highly rated and some risky. Though some investors were unaware of the extent of riskier debt, many thought the safest components would protect them. They didn't. When the housing market collapsed, so did those loans, sparking a series of losses still shaking the system.

6. How frail is the banking system now?

Pretty frail. The stock prices of many banks have plunged, which makes raising capital more expensive. Private investors are skittish about pouring money into the banking system, fearful of being wiped out by any possible future government rescue.

There isn't really a segment of the industry that is performing particularly well. Some were hit by subprime loans, most others by the larger drag of the recession. Many big banks have had a hard time digesting acquisitions and underestimated how much capital they would need to survive. Multiple regional banks have high concentrations in risky assets or geographic areas, such as Florida, Arizona, and Ohio. Many small banks are suffering from high exposures to commercial real-estate loans.

7. How big is 'too big to fail?'

For commercial banks, it appears the answer is $100 billion in assets. The Obama administration said last month it would run 'stress tests' on the 19 banks that have more than $100 billion to determine how much additional capital these companies would need to continue lending. The tests are designed to see how the banks would perform under various dire scenarios for the economy, such as unemployment rising above 10%.

Banks aren't the only companies that have received government assistance. The government has committed more than $100 billion to prevent the collapse of AIG. The Fed and Treasury still see its collapse as something to be avoided at all costs.

8. Is Wall Street still needed?

Yes -- or something akin to it is. Wall Street has historically played an important role in greasing the wheels of the financial system by routing capital to those who might best use it. Wall Street banks also traditionally took riskier bets than standard commerical banks that are backed by consumers' deposits. Now both kinds of banks have been burned by taking on too much risk, and what remains of Wall Street is shrinking as it weans itself from relying on borrowed money. Both now may be unwilling to assume new risks, or may be prevented by the new rules from doing so.

In the future, traditional investment banks may be smaller and more specialized such as a mergers-and-acquisition advisory business or a brokerage firm.

9. Will Congress over-regulate?

The answer depends on where you sit. As long as taxpayers are funding the bailout of large financial institutions, there will be political pressure to find scalps and change how the financial system operates. Congress and the Obama administration already have signaled that virtually all financial institutions and financial products will be regulated.

Some influential members of Congress have historically sought to balance markets and regulation. That may go by the wayside with a Democrat-controlled Congress and a pent-up populist anger at Wall Street. In a recent WSJ/NBC News poll, the highest-ranked peeve, named by 35% of those polled, was bank executives taking large bonuses while receiving taxpayer funds.

Banks and businesses, which for years have successfully fought off attempts to beef up the rules, will face an uphill battle avoiding them.

10. What happens if Washington doesn't make big changes?

The banking industry posted huge losses in the fourth quarter, and banks are having a hard time raising private capital, because of investors' worries that they might wiped out if banks get nationalized. This could continue indefinitely if policy makers don't clarify how they plan to supervise the banking industry.

In the U.S., changes are high on the agenda, and bankers have conceded that they are necessary to help restore confidence to financial markets. European governments are pushing for regulatory overhauls too. Still, if any U.S. moves have a global component, that will make them much more complicated to broker.

最新评论

chrislau2001 发表于 2009-3-11 16:08:53


国政府准备为国内金融市场重新制定规则。

这个过程可能需要很长时间,但目前正在为此打基础。4月初即将召开的一个大规模国际会议将会讨论世界范围内的监管变革问题。

但真正采取行动会在华盛顿,在那里还将展开有关危机根源和修复措施的辩论。变革措施可能包括增强美国联邦储备委员会(Federal Reserve,简称美联储)的权力,合并或撤销一批监管机构,并对金融行业的绝大部分领域实施更严格的监管。

在进行讨论之前,为危机之后的世界制定规则的设计者们需要回答十个重大问题:

1. 放松监管在多大的程度上促成了当前的金融危机?

奥巴马总统在竞选过程中提出,1999年的金融服务现代化法案(Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act)致使监管松驰,并进而导致了危机。该法案允许创建集投资银行、商业银行和保险公司于一身的庞大金融超市,这种做法自大萧条时期以来一直是禁止的。批评人士指出,该法案的通过为成立“巨无霸”公司扫清了道路。这类公司规模过大、业务过于复杂,因而一旦倒闭后果极其严重。



Associated Press



该法案也设立了一些限制。它将美联储确立为花旗集团(Citigroup Inc.)和美国银行(Bank of America Corp.)这类巨头的最高监管机构,但却没有赋予任何监管机构对贝尔斯登(Bear Stearns Cos.)和雷曼兄弟(Lehman Brothers)这类投资银行或是美国国际集团(American International Group Inc.)这类独立保险巨头进行全面监管的权力。

支持金融服务现代化法案的人认为,该法案可能防止了危机进一步恶化,因为它允许高盛(Goldman Sachs)和摩根士丹利(Morgan Stanley)等投资银行从美联储借款以维持自身生存。

但众议院金融服务委员会(House Financial Services Committee)主席、马萨诸塞州民主党议员巴尼•弗兰克(Barney Frank)一直认为,危机的根源不在于监管松驰,而是“放任不管”,也就是说联邦政府官员并没有执行法律规定。

2. 既然有这么多的监管机构,怎么会遗漏掉银行帐面上的问题?

联邦政府至少有10家监管机构对金融服务公司进行监管,各州的监管机构就更多了。但次贷等许多导致了这次金融危机的产品都是源自经济中很少受到监管的领域。New Century这类抵押融资公司并非银行,因此美国政府中没有人会去监控其业务。信贷违约掉期这类复杂的金融产品基本上也没有引起政府官员的关注。

而受到多个联邦机构监管的商业银行如花旗集团则可以将风险资产纳入资产负债表外的投资工具,从而积累极高的风险敞口水平。商业银行体系中最大的盲点之一就是表外资产。

3. 未来可能出现的最大变化是什么?

白宫和国会高官们已经就如何行动吵得不可开交了。奥巴马政府想在4月初的伦敦二十国集团(Group of 20)峰会上向主要国家提交一份金融监管改革计划。

任何计划都需要弗兰克众议员的参与,他已经提出决策者们应当分两步对监管体系进行全面审查。首先,他希望国会通过法案,让美联储担任超级监管者的角色,监控宏观经济中存在的风险。美国现在还没有一个这样的角色。他还希望国会创建一个机制,允许政府接管破产的投资银行或保险公司。

弗兰克说,第二步应当是对监管制度进行更为彻底的改革,许多人认为这一点将包括加强消费者保护以及将财政部金融局(Office of the Comptroller of the Currency)和储蓄管理局(Office of Thrift Supervision)等一些机构合并。参议院银行委员会(Senate Banking Committee)主席、康涅狄格州民主党参议员克里斯托弗•多德(Christopher Dodd)则在极力推动另一套立法议案,它虽然会将上述所有改革措施包括在内,但预计实施进度将较为缓慢。

4. 对冲基金和信用违约掉期会不会受到政府监管?

多年来,包括前任美联储主席格林斯潘(Alan Greenspan)在内的诸多有影响力的政府官员都坚持认为,对金融衍生产品和对冲基金实施监管弊大于利。他们的想法是,大型综合性金融机构应当能够用这类产品来对冲其他投资的风险,通过这种对冲将风险广泛分散到金融体系之中。而且能够接触对冲基金和信用违约掉期的也仅限于大型投资者,以及理论上是经验老到的投资者。

现在,国会希望确保监管机构更好地了解银行与对冲基金之间的相互联系,尤其是通过信用违约掉期的联系。信用违约掉期是一种金融工具,可用来押注于一家公司的信用走势或是用于对冲风险。美国国际集团落到需要政府救助的地步,部分原因就在于它一个未纳入政府监管范畴的业务部门出售了信用违约掉期,而这些掉期要求美国国际集团在基础投资的价值缩水时拿出抵押品。

对冲基金在投资、交易头寸和经营方面可能会面临力度更大的信息披露要求。其想法在于让监管机构更能了解潜在的系统性问题。对冲基金业的行业团体支持让美联储来监管其成员,但强烈要求任何新增的披露内容都不对外公开。美国证券交易委员会(Securities and Exchange Commission)正极力要求赋予其查看对冲基金帐目的权限,并大力推动信息披露方面新规则的制定。

5. 需要对信用评级机构进行怎样的改革?

许多监管人士、政治家甚至银行家将很大责任归咎于这些机构。信用评级公司从事的工作是评估企业债券、市政债券和其他种类债券的质量。作为“看门人”,他们应该独立于他们所评估的公司。不过,批评人士指出,随着住房按揭相关债券的爆炸式增长,信用评级公司在相互争夺业务的过程中,它们的评估标准也被抛在了一边。

大多数信用评级机构接受所评债券承销方的付款,批评人士指出,为拿到将来的业务,他们存在对所评债券给出有利评级的动机。

据SEC有关这类问题的调查报告称,就在2007年4月5日,一家大型评级机构的一位分析师说,他们的评级模型没能捕捉到一笔发债交易“一半”的风险,不过这笔交易连一头牛都可以设计出来,我们也得对它作出评级。

问题是:投资者(包括银行)购买了数十亿美元的打包债券,有些债券评级很高,有些则风险很大。虽然某些投资者不了解高风险债券的风险程度,但许多人认为,这些债券中最安全的那部分能保护他们。结果并非如此。随着住房市场一蹶不振,那些贷款也出现问题,继而引发了一系列目前仍在冲击银行体系的损失。

6. 现在银行系统脆弱到何种程度?

可以说非常脆弱。许多银行的股价大幅下跌,导致融资成本非常高。私人投资者对将资金投向银行系统非常谨慎,担心将来一旦有任何政府救助行动,他们最终会血本无归。

整个行业实在没有哪一块是表现非常好的。有些受到了次级贷款的打击,其他大部分也受到经济衰退的严重拖累。许多大银行在消化所收购的资产方面非常不顺,也低估了他们继续生存所需要的资本。跨地区银行业务高度集中于高风险资产或某一个地区如佛罗里达州、亚利桑那州和俄亥俄州。许多小银行因为在商业房地产贷款方面的业务而受到很大冲击。

7. 到底多大才到“太大了,不能让它倒”的程度?

对商业银行来说,答案似乎是1,000亿美元资产。奥巴马政府上个月说,将对19家资产超过1,000亿美元的银行进行“压力测试”,以确定这些银行要继续对外放贷还需要多少资本。这些测试是为评估这些银行在各种不同的恶劣经济形势下──比如失业率升至10%以上──会有怎样的表现。

银行并非唯一一类接受政府救助的企业。政府为防止AIG倒闭拿出了超过1,000亿美元。美联储和财政部仍认为,无论花什么代价都要避免它倒闭。

8. 还需要华尔街吗?

是的,或者是某个跟它类似的东西。从历史上看,华尔街将资金配置到能将其发挥最大效应的人手中,在为金融系统的车轮提供润滑方面扮演了重要角色。与有消费者的存款作支持的普通商业银行相比,华尔街一贯冒更大的风险。现在,商业银行和投资银行都因承担了太大风险而惹火烧身,而华尔街的残余力量因为自己放弃对借贷资金的依赖而日渐枯萎。现在,这两类银行或许都不愿再承担新的风险,也有可能新规则将不允许它们再这么做。

将来,传统的投资银行或许会变得更小、更专业,比如专门从事并购咨询业务或证券经纪业务。

9. 国会会过度监管吗?

回答取决于你站在哪一边。只要纳税人仍在向大型金融机构提供救助资金,那么,就会有要求看到回报、改变金融系统运作方式的政治压力。国会和奥巴马政府已经表示,基本上所有金融机构和金融产品都将受到监管。

国会一些富有影响力的成员一直希望在市场和监管之间求得平衡。但在如今民主党控制国会,且民众对华尔街的不满被压制的情况下,这种努力不会受到重视。据《华尔街日报》/NBC新闻近期所作的民意调查显示,35%的受访者表示,最让他们气愤的是一边接受纳税人救助资金、一边自己还在享受高额奖金的银行管理层。

银行和企业多年来成功抵挡了加强监管的压力,但它们今后在这方面将面临艰巨的任务。

10. 如果华盛顿不做出大的变革,会出现怎样的情况?

银行业四季度出现了大的亏损,各家银行在筹措私人资本方面也遇到困难,因为投资者担心一旦银行被国有化,他们可能会血本无归。如果决策者不清楚说明他们计划如何监管银行业,则这种情况肯定将持续下去。

在美国,变革是一个热门话题,银行界人士承认,为恢复人们对金融市场的信心,变革是必要的。欧洲政府也在推进监管改革。不过,如果美国的措施有涉及全球的内容,要协调制定这些措施会复杂得多。
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